Lee Kyong Wan, Research Professor, Academic rank: Doctor (PhD), Halllim University (Republic of Korea), arachika@naver.com

Abstract: Koreans conscripted to Sakhalin by Japanese colonizers during the World War II experienced inexorable sufferings from racial persecution and harsh labor. Even after the war, their human rights were downtrodden by all national societies. These nations should take moral and legal responsibilities for Sakhalin Koreans’ tragedy. From my Christian viewpoint, international compensation for their sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin could be one future-oriented way.

Key words: Japanese colonizers, Sakhalin Koreans, repatriation, compensation, sustainable agricultural development

Approximately, more than one hundred thousand South Koreans were invited or conscripted as miners to Sakhalin under the Japanese military regime during the World War II. They experienced inexorable physical and emotional sufferings from extreme working and living conditions, racial persecution and ignorance before the end of the war. But even after the liberation of Korea from Japanese military regime, they were deserted and ignored by not just Japanese society, but also South Korean, Soviet, Western, and North Korean societies. American, British and French societies were involved in the issue as main members of the Allied Forces. Especially, American army was in charge of the establishment of post-war international regime over Japan and Southern Korea. These nations are all responsible for Sakhalin Koreans’ tragic lives and deaths after the World War II. In the international turmoil of Cold War until the end of 1980s and collapse of Soviet Union in 1990s, Sakhalin Koreans’ tragic stories were more spread over South Korean society (hereinafter, Korean society), which boosted academic, political, economic, and cultural projects to study their history and proceed full measures for the restoration of their downtrodden human rights as human beings and South Koreans. However, given the Japanese society’s refusal of total apology and compensation for their sufferings and losses, the South Korean government (hereinafter, Korean government) also refuses to ensure the restoration of their human rights by supporting their unification with families either in Korea or in Sakhalin. As a result the repatriated Sakhalin Koreans have difficulties in settling down and being integrated into Korean society, etc. However, on Korean society, there are crucial obstacles which prevent it from taking its due responsibility. Now it is the time for South Koreans to help all the generations of Sakhalin Koreans as victims of World War Two to enjoy their human rights fully either in Korea or Sakhalin as they wish.

Here I suggest one constructive way to compensate them for tragic fate, which is the international cooperation to improve the quality of the remaining Sakhalin Koreans’ lives in Sakhalin through the sustainable and self-subsistent socio-economic development of agriculture. I will focus on South Korean-Japanese-Russian-American cooperation for the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans’ sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin. The cooperation could contribute to economic diversification and peaceful co-prosperity of different peoples in Sakhalin, which may be the first step of future-oriented ways of compensation.

It is difficult to find sufficient materials and studies on the current socio-economic situation of Sakhalin Koreans staying in Sakhalin, especially their economic activities in agricultural sector. Until now, Japanese, Russian and Korean researchers have paid more attention to the reconstruction and interpretation of historic situation from Koreans’ conscription to repatriation until 2010.

As Japanese researchers, Onuma Yasuaki as an authority in international laws and activist has studied on the tragedies of forcefully conscripted Koreans by Japanese militarists during the World War II. He shed light on the tragedy of Sakhalin Koreans from the 1976 onwards. His book, Koreans Left in Sakhalin,[1] demonstrates his and other Japanese’ efforts to restore Sakhalin Koreans’ downtrodden basic rights as human beings, Koreans and workers for Japanese companies. Such efforts resulted in Japanese government’s partial apology for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings and partial compensation with financial support of their accommodations and meetings with families in South Korea.

In Russia, Din in her dissertation on the Korean diaspora in Sakhalin and Kuril Islands shed light on the historical situation of Koreans’ immigration and repatriation, and the change of their cultural and linguistic identity from balanced and scrupulous viewpoint.^[2] Sakhalin Korean, Seung-Eui Park has studied on the history of Sakhalin Koreans and recently shed light on the change of ritual tradition of Sakhalin Koreans in the second half of 20^th and 21^st centuries in his paper.[3]

As South Korean researcher, Il-Kwon Bang in his paper on history of researches on Sakhalin Koreans indicated some characteristics of previous studies. According to Bang, one property is Korean researchers’ focus on historic reconstruction of reality, but because of lack in documents or difficulties in approach to original texts in Russia or Japan, the task is not achieved sufficiently by Korean researchers. [4]

He summarized Seung-Il Kim’s valuable insistence on the establishment of international project to reconstruct the historical situation relying on all documents available in different countries. Seung-Il Kim also suggested the more scrupulous, objective, comprehensive and deep-in interpretation as alternative to Japanese researchers’ mainstream interpretation, and the practical studies to solve Sakhalin Koreans’ daily problems in reality.[5] Such international studies, comprehensive interpretation and practical support of Sakhalin Koreans on a daily basis are crucial to solve the historic tragedy. Bang and Kim emphasize the importance of deepening the studies not just on historic facts, but also on real needs of both repatriated older generations in South Korea and remaining younger generations in Sakhalin.

Given the meaningful studies and suggestions of other researchers, this paper is characterized by Christian understanding of each nation’s misbehaviors and suggestion of international compensation project. One of action plans is to support the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans’ sustainable agricultural development

Japan: majorities’ conservative nationalization and conscientious Japanese’ support of Sakhalin Koreans

According to historical documents published in Japan, Korean and Russia, during the World War II, assumedly, tens of thousands of South Koreans were invited deceptively or conscripted forcefully to Sakhalin by Japanese militarists as ‘Japanese’ laborers, mainly coal miners. The Korean laborers were deceived by Japanese companies in working conditions and salary. According to the racially segregated salary system, Koreans were paid less, and even most of the less salary was withdrawn to bank accounts in the form of savings and bonds. Still the just income was not refunded to Sakhalin Korean laborers and descendants.

According to several documents, Japanese colonizers not just abused the forced Korean laborers racially during the World War II, but also committed genocide of them over the period of power vacuum after the defeat of World War II. Before the establishment of postwar regime by American and Soviet governments, the Japanese government arbitrarily deprived Koreans of the ‘Japanese’ nationality, ignoring its legal duties of conscripted Koreans’ repatriation to their homeland. Based on its ethnographic nationalist standards, the Japanese government demanded the USA and Soviet governments to proceed the repatriation of Japanese people and their families in Sakhalin to Japan, deserting around 40,000 Koreans as stateless persons.

However, over the period of Cold War in 1950s-80s, when some Sakhalin Koreans appealed strenuously to Japanese, Korean, Soviet governments and international organizations for Sakhalin Koreans’ unconditional repatriation to homeland, South Korea, and overall compensation for their sufferings and losses by Japanese government, many conscientious Japanese citizens admitted the moral, legal, political, economic, social responsibilities of Japanese colonizers for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings. Such conscientious Japanese scholars, lawyers, politicians, activists, etc. relied on legal system and all other institutions available to arouse Japanese people’s remorse and attract the Japanese government’s apology and total compensation to Sakhalin Koreans according to their just requirements.

For example, However, still the majority of Japanese people does not admit the Japanese militarist regime’s violation of human rights of other Asian peoples, which is compared to the German society’s total apology and compensation for all their atrocities under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. Such differences may be attributed to the differences of their collective unconscious in assumptions on humanity. According to the chapters 1-3 in Genesis, Christianity is characterized by the unconditional respect and love of every human being as special creature of God in His image, which has laid the main cognitive foundation of humanism and liberalism in Europe. However, modern anthropocentric discourses also idealized humanity as rational and conscientious creature and estimated the western modern civilization as absolutely superior to pre-modern civilizations. Such cognitive assumptions set the cause for Western, Russian and Japanese governments to compete for superpower through their own modernization and forceful colonization of pre-modern nations under the banner of Enlightenment in the 19th – 20th centuries. The Superpowers wielded a big stick over non-modernized nations in Asia, Africa, South America, etc. Japanese militarists indoctrinated with Western-centric ideologies of modern imperialism and colonialism, integrating them with Japanese traditional religion of worshiping Japanese emperors as divine pivotal figures. They could justify their violation of other peoples’ human rights and coercive colonization of them as a kind of blessings of granting them modern civilizations. On the other hand, the Western colonizers retained partially the Christian assumption of human beings as equal and precious creatures innate with God’s image. Western societies, sharing the cognitive unconscious based on the Christian viewpoint of humanity, acknowledged the Nazis’ atrocities as evidences of human beings’ evil desires or evil properties in modern Enlightenment. Thus the German society compensated tremendous victims of Nazism for their sufferings and pains as a kind of atonement activities.

However, modern humanism and liberalism are ambiguous and contradictory in defining the human rights of freedom and equality, and such contradictions penetrated both capitalism and communism.

Consequently, in the Western capitalist states, capital wielded a big stick over human beings, violating their freedom. On the contrary, in the USSR and other communist states, sincere adherents to communism were persecuted under the leadership of Stalin, and the basic principle of equality of human beings was applied to reality arbitrarily or compromisingly in the turmoil of World War II and Cold War.

Naturally, from the Christian viewpoint, the tragedies of weak Sakhalin Koreans might be attributed to human beings’ ambiguous – good and bad – desires and cognitive contradictions in modern worldviews. Not just Nazis and Japanese militarist, but also South Korean, American and Soviet societies have showed similar problems, insisting on human basic rights but actually giving up human rights for modernization and competitiveness. Without fundamental change in humanity and still dominant modern worldviews, contemporary societies will not solve the constant conflicts for superpowers.

The conflicts between Japanese and Korean-Chinese governments over the interpretation of Japanese militarists’ atrocities to Koreans and Chinese could be resolved only when we reflect on their conscious viewpoints and collective unconscious, discerning between good and evil in them and only accepting good factors into our own viewpoints and unconscious.

In that respect, the incumbent Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe’s behaviors are understandable. He denies Japanese colonizers’ cruel atrocities of Korean, Chinese and other Asian peoples, and is passing affirmative legislation for the militarization of Japanese society. He represents the collective unconscious of Japanese militarism and colonialism which penetrated the colonization regime during the World War II. Sakhalin Koreans were persecuted and deserted by the militarists overwhelmed with human evil desires and wrong viewpoints.

On the contrary, in August, 2015, one past Japanese prime minister Hatoyama Yukio visited the historic residues of Japanese colonization in Seoul and apologized Koreans for Japanese’ crimes in the 19th and 20th centuries. He insisted that Abe prime minister should express a sincere apology for Koreans’ and Chinese’ sufferings from Japanese’ cruel colonization. What is really touching in his speech is that he demands the Japanese government to take all moral and legal responsibilities until Korean victims regard Japanese society’ apology and compensation as sincere and sufficient. Hatoyama previous prime minister acknowledged the human rights of Koreans, Chinese, and other Asian nations as equal to those of Japanese, setting the example how to deal with our own mistakes, relying on our conscience and reason.

However, humanism does not ensure the fundamental change in modern societies, because anthropocentric discourse of Enlightenment justifies modern orientalists’, colonizers’, or militarists’ atrocities to non-modernized peoples with the banner of modernization. Only alternative viewpoints to anthropocentric and Western-centric ones, putting the universal value of human rights into top priority, can prevent peoples from withdrawing the human rights with the banner of specific ideological ideas, such as modernization, economic growth, competitiveness, or national interests.

Korean Society: Ignorance of compatriots’ sufferings for economic development and ideological victory over communist regime

Just after the end of World War II, thousands of Sakhalin Koreans left for the port of Korsakov, waiting for their repatriation to their homeland, South Korea. But they witnessed the systematic and total repatriation of around 300,000 Japanese, defeaters of World War II from 1945 to 1960, left alone in Sakhalin until the collapse of Soviet Union.

In the turmoil of division of South and North Koreas, the first Korean government did not represent the right requirements of Korean victims to the Allied Forces Command dominated by USA government and Japanese government, even not informing the Command of the existence of Sakhalin Koreans clearly and actively. According to Onuma Yasuaki, if Korean or Japanese governments had required resolutely the Command to proceed the repatriation of Sakhalin Koreans to South Korea, the Command led by the USA government might have taken the proper measures.[6] However, as the Japanese society did not repent their violent colonization sincerely and desert Koreans as stateless people in Sakhalin. And the Korean government maintained the cold attitude to the sufferings of compatriots in Sakhalin, shifting the blame only for Japan even after the establishment of Republic of Korea in 1948.^[7] The Korean government was overwhelmed with egoistic desires to construct the Republic of Korea in USA capitalist style and take the hegemony over North Korea which was under the protection of the Soviet Union and leadership of Il-Sung Kim. More than 40,000 helpless Sakhalin Koreans who just wanted to return to homeland became victims of the ideological and geopolitical conflicts between capitalist and communist states in the Cold-War regime.

Actually, most South Korean leaders had high education and were assimilated to modern cultures in Japan or USA, and some of them supported the Japanese colonization with the banner of modernization and elevation of inferior national identity to Japanese emperor’s subject. The complicated situation was one main reason for the first Korean government to be reluctant to restore poor compatriots’ withheld human rights, including Sakhalin Koreans’ repatriation to homeland.

Since then, the Korean government has not paid constant and sufficient attention to Sakhalin Koreans even after the end of Cold War. It allowed the repatriation of Sakhalin Koreans to homeland only to those who moved to or were born in Sakhalin before August 15, 1945. The Korean society also should compensate Sakhalin Koreans for their long sufferings as stateless men or forced Soviet citizens after the end of World War II.

USA, Soviet, North Korean governments’ lukewarm or passive attitudes

The Allied Forces Command led by the USA military regime put into top priority the peace and rapid development of Japan and South Korea to deter the spread of communist ideology in Northeast Asia, giving up the active elimination the remnants of Japanese colonialism. Thus poor Sakhalin Koreans did not come to fore as big agenda.

The Soviet Union was also accustomed to the historic residues of Russian imperialist regime, including the Western-centrism and Orientalism since Peter the Great’s radical efforts to reform Russia into a modern superpower. The Soviet government followed the Russian imperial tradition of conscripting forced laborers from various regions to Siberia to develop resources industries. It wanted to hire Sakhalin Koreans as alternative laborers to develop resources industries and make them settle down in Sakhalin.

In addition, Sakhalin Koreans’ strong desires to return to homeland, South Korea, anticommunist state may have created hostility toward them. In fact, North Korea opposed to Sakhalin Koreans’ repatriation to South Korea. In 1963, the North Korean government even registered Sakhalin Koreans as citizens of North Korea without Sakhalin Koreans’ consent. In 1977, the Soviet government took the anti-humanist measures to exile dozens of Sakhalin Koreans who applied for eternal repatriation to homeland instead to North Korea.^[8] Consistently, the Soviet regime responded to the requirements of Sakhalin Koreans, and Japanese or Korean governments for Sakhalin Koreans’ repatriation with reluctant acceptance, neglect or persecution.

The ideological and geopolitical conflicts between South and North Koreas, American and Soviet societies in the Cold War regime account for Sakhalin Koreans’ incessant sufferings, for which not just Japan, but also South and North Koreas, USA and Soviet Union are responsible for the victims’ restoration of human rights and dignity in moral and legal dimensions. Except for them, all other nations which aligned to either party or just ignored the rights of Sakhalin Koreans are responsible for their tragedy at least in moral dimension.

Future-Oriented Common Compensation for the Remaining Sakhalin Koreans in Sakhalin

Thanks to partial efforts of all concerned states, in 1990s Sakhalin Koreans who were born only after 15 August, 1945 could return to South Korea and settle down at apartments which were constructed with Japanese government’s subsidies. However, Sakhalin Koreans who were born later and lived alone could not stay at the apartments and have no property rights for them. They just stay there until the end of their lives without families taking care of them. This is a new violation of their human rights for life and happiness. Given such bleak situation, we should take care of not just the first or second generation, but also the third and fourth generations who remain in Sakhalin. To do so, we have to identify their needs for happy lives in Korea or in Russia, and seek practical ways to meet their needs.

Actually, the repatriated Sakhalin Koreans, consisting of the first or second generations, are anxious of their own loneliness and isolation in unfamiliar environments in South Korea. On the other hand, the third, fourth and future generations of Sakhalin Koreans who are forced to stay in Sakhalin for long time should face real problems how to sustain themselves and settle down as Russians. The repatriated Sakhalin Koreans just rely on governmental subsidies for their living in South Korea, not being granted no possessions, like real estates. They are actually strangers in South Korea with no descendants near them, no possessions, no mental and cultural integration into Korean society. The remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans are also deprived of their human rights of living together with grandparents and parents, just relying on themselves for their own living in Sakhalin. Their identities be formulated newly at global, national, regional, and local levels. They need constant and practical help and support not from parents, but from neighbors to settle down mainly in Sakhalin.

Here, I suggest Christian ways for Japanese, South Korean, American, Russian (former Soviet), and, if possible, North Korean governments to compensate Sakhalin Korean for their sufferings and losses in accordance with their misbehaviors and current abilities.

Japanese and Korean societies’ shares in international compensation

According to just requirements of many Sakhalin Koreans and conscientious Japanese citizens, at least Japanese government should take these compensatory measures: total admission and sincere apology for Japanese colonizers’ atrocities to Sakhalin Koreans; return of Sakhalin Korean laborers’ savings and bonds at real prices reflecting the inflation since the end of World War II; additional supply of apartments for Sakhalin Koreans who would like to return to homeland; and sufficient subsidies for the reunification of the first, second and later generations of Sakhalin Koreans in South Korea or Sakhalin according to their decisions. In regard to compensation to Sakhalin Koreans, the Japanese society will remain the most responsible for their restoration of human rights and happy lives in South Korea or Russia in moral, legal and socio-economic dimensions.

South Korea should also compensate for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings from compatriots’ betrayal after the World War II. Given the limitations in information and knowledge of the historic tragedy in Korean society, it is desirable to establish and proceed historic and cultural programs to inform South Koreans of the facts and help them to express sympathy and remorse in practical ways. They can help Sakhalin Koreans to repatriate to homeland if they wish and be assimilated to new environments. In regard to institutional support, the establishment of special laws to restore all rights to Sakhalin Koreans has come to the fore, which may be the most desirable support to them. To pass legislation for Sakhalin Koreans in the Congress, Korean society should remember human rights and dignity of all men, especially compatriots deserted by us in the past.

One agenda of International Compensation for Sakhalin Koreans

For the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans who settled down in Sakhalin, I would like to suggest one concrete compensatory way, which is to support Sakhalin Korean farmers’ sustainable agricultural development within the framework of international compensation project. The fund targeting the faithful execution of the international project could be established, and main financial sources should be mainly Japanese society and secondarily Korean society. The Russian, American, North Korean societies should take some responsibility according to agreements reached by representatives of each nation.

I suggest the project of organic local food development, which are to be led by Sakhalin Korean farmers in Sakhalin. This way seems future-oriented and less burdensome to each responsible nation, which should fulfil their own moral and legal duties. Then, Japanese, South Korean, American, Russian, and North Korean governments should take their due responsibilities for the younger Sakhalin Koreans. The Japanese government could take the responsibilities with financial support and other resources available: education, construction of facilities, supply of energy and fuels, delivery of knowledge and know-how, marketing and management, etc. Korean society could take its due responsibility in similar ways by helping Sakhalin Koreans to be engaged in agricultural in more sustainable ways. Such agenda can be regarded as constructive and appropriate even to local inhabitants, who also face the crucial risk of unstable food supply and increasing prices. This way international societies can subsidize the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans’ normal living in Sakhalin. Such way each nation can confirm its own misbehaviors and due duties, and all nations can set up the basic principles and common agenda for common institutional and physical compensations.

International Compensation to the Remaining Young Sakhalin Koreans

Now I suggest one action plan for compensations, which is to support their self-subsistent socio-economic development within the framework of international projects for their sustainable resources development. This compensatory international cooperation of Japanese, South Korean, American, Russian, and North Korean societies may also contribute to the sustainable development of Sakhalin. And the next generations of Sakhalin Koreans could be assimilated to Russian life styles and culture, but formulate their multinational and appropriate self-identities.

And in regard to the social significance of sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin, the Russian federal government declared the importance of the robust and sustainable development of Russian Far East, especially agricultural development. The agricultural sector in the Russian Far East is deteriorated than that in other federal districts because of diverse natural and social risk factors.

<Table 1> Regional agricultural production in the Far East Federal District (2014)

	Mln. rub.	2014 to 2013
Far Eastern Federal District	145,967.80	119.7
The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)	21,791.90	99.2
Kamchatsk Krai	7,661.00	111.0
Primorsk Krai	39,551.40	113.0
Khabarovsk Krai	20,116.90	104.2
Amur Region	41,583.10	170.0
Magadan Region	1,796.30	101.1
Sakhalin Region	8,921.30	100.6
Jewish Autonomous District	4,404.30	124.7
Chukotka Autonomous District	141.60	134.0

Source: «Основные показатели социально-экономического развития регионов Дальнего Востока и Забайкалья за январь – декабрь 2014 года.» http://assoc.khv.gov.ru (Дата обращения 09.10. 2015)

As a result, the rural population in the Russian Far East has been declining after the collapse of the Soviet Union. According to the Table 2, the rural outflow in the Russian Far East was continuous in 2014 just except for Magadan Region. However, the rural population in Magadan Oblast is small, so its increase is slight.

<Table 2> The Number of residential rural population at the beginning of years in 2011-2014

(Thousand persons)

	2011	2012	2013	2014	2014 to 2013
					%	+ , –
Russian Federation	37443.5	37314.4	37228.8	37118.2	99.7	-110.6
Far Eastern Federal District	1582.8	1569.7	1555.7	1539.2	98.9	-16.5
The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)	343.7	338.8	335.1	332.1	99.1	-2.9
Kamchatsky Krai	72.0	72.1	73.4	72.3	98.6	-1.0
Primorsky Krai	466.4	461.8	456.6	451.3	98.8	-5.3
Khabarovsk Krai	244.2	248.9	248.5	245.8	98.9	-2.7
Amur Region	274.7	271.0	268.8	266.9	99.3	-1.9
Magadan Region	7.1	6.7	6.3	7.0	110.5	0.7
Sakhalin Region	100.3	97.5	94.6	92.5	97.8	-2.1
Jewish Autonomous District	56.8	55.7	55.5	54.7	98.6	-0.8
Chukotka Autonomous District	17.7	17.3	16.9	16.4	97.1	-0.5

Source: Сборник МСХ РФ (Дата обращения 15.07.2015)

Noticeably, even in Amur Region, Primorsky Krai, Jewish Autonomous District, and Khabarovsky Krai, considered attractive to foreign agricultural investors, the situation of rural outflow is the same. Sakhalin Region also faces the demographic decline in rural areas, in spite of the recent governmental agricultural programs for the Russian Far East. It implies that rural farmers and villagers in the regions have low expectations for sustainable socio-economic development of their villages.

However, there is one exclusive advantage of tremendous arable land in southern regions. In addition, given the increase in prices of food products, lowering quality of them, probable food supply disruption and decreases in jobs for young generations in the world, the sustainable development of agriculture and renewable energy resources has come to the fore as one of top priorities in many countries. Such is the case with Korea, Japan, Russia, USA, etc. Specifically, the Russian federal government bets life and death in socio-economic development of the Russian Far East, with agricultural development as one of top priorities.

The Alternative to Sustainable Agricultural Development in the Russian Far East Reflections on Russian governmental programs for agricultural development in the Russian Far East

From my Christian viewpoint, in general the sustainable agricultural development can be achieved in combination of two directions: the capital-intensive and export-oriented projects based mainly on market systems and the value-seeking socio-economic projects oriented toward sustainable development of local communities.

From the viewpoint, Russian national policies and programs for agricultural development in the Russian Far East did not make success, which may be attributed to these reasons: the disparity between export-oriented models and reality; low profitability of national agricultural production at global and domestic markets; lack in harmonious tri-sector partnership between governmental, corporate and civic stakeholders; corruption and compromises; harsh climate conditions; ecological crisis, such as environmental destruction and pollution, climate change, natural disasters, etc.; lack in governmental subsidies and private investment; lack and deterioration of infrastructure; residents’ health deterioration and higher rate of social outflow than that of natural birth, etc. As a result, agricultural projects in the Russian Far East have not been developed as expected.

Even if the spacious and fertile arable land in Primorsk Krai, Amur Region, Jewish Autonomous District and Khabarovsk Krai have attracted Korean, Chinese, Japanese agricultural enterprises after the collapse of Soviet Union, most Korean and Japanese enterprises did not achieve goals. The poor results may be attributed to the above-mentioned general risk factors, and, additionally, conflicts or misunderstanding between Russian and Asian partners.

Recently, in 2014-2015, given Western sanctions and federal ban of food import from the West, the federal government initiated comprehensive measures to develop capital-intensive agricultural industry. The Russian federal government established the sub-program of agricultural complex development under the federal program of “Socio-Economic Development of Far East and Zabaikal Region until 2025.” According to the sub-program, the regional governments in the Russian Far East should concentrate on the following goals in agricultural sector:

• numerical increase in farmers and creation of favorable residential conditions, job guarantee for farmers in order to ensure the constant development of agricultural land
• support of the development of logistics infrastructure and agricultural market infrastructure
• improvement of quality of life of farmers, including indigenous peoples
• support of small-scale agricultural management
• stimulation to enhance the marketability of products at individual farms

And the results of the program in the future are as follows:

• Qualitatively, the improvement of farmers’ living standards, continuous growth in agricultural profitability, construction of logistics infrastructure for agricultural complex (new centers and areas), guarantee of financial support of agricultural markets, guarantee of high level of companies’ innovation, rational use of the potential of natural resources
• Quantitatively, numerical stability of farmers, improvement of self-subsistence rate in the Russian Far East (Goals – 100 % of crops demand, 90 % of potato demand, 50% of meat and meat products, 75 % of dairy products), annual increase in agricultural investment in fixed capital by 2.5 %, enhancement of residents’ income level at agricultural areas to the federal average^[9]

However, these ambiguous programs may not be realized successfully, because they are oriented toward robust agricultural development fueled by foreign large-scale investment and export of food products to APEC markets. Such profit-seeking projects could not be realized without sustainable agricultural development at local and regional levels led by local SMEs.

Such is the case with agricultural sector in Sakhalin. The Sakhalin regional government established the Sakhalin regional program of the “Development in the Sakhalin region of agriculture and markets regulation of agricultural products, raw materials and food for 2014-2020.” As of 01.02.2015, the Sakhalin Ministry of Agriculture signed the 95 agreements on the implementation of the state program with regional agricultural producers and enterprises of food and processing industry. The agreement aimed to contain the wholesale prices of socially important food commodities during the first 9 months of 2015. Then the agricultural measures contributed to the stabilization of prices in the food market of the region according to the data of monitoring conducted by the Ministry and federal state statistics service of the Sakhalin oblast (hereinafter – Shalista).[10]

However, the program aims to boost the agricultural, food processing, and biotechnological industries, which can constrain the inflation of imported food products. Thus the Sakhalin government wants to boost the agricultural production, food processing, marketing comprehensively. However, because of the lack in subsidies and investment in projects, and the market-oriented development policies without real basis at local and regional levels, the Sakhalin regional program for agricultural development may die off.

Alternative support of Sakhalin Koreans’ sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin

The first and second generations of Sakhalin Koreans were engaged forcefully in mining, agriculture, fishery, timber, etc. After the World War II, most of them settled down in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk and in rural villages in the southern part of Sakhalin Island, continuing to be engaged in agriculture and fishery. And the next generation began to enter other sectors in Sakhalin in USSR.

Now in Sakhalin, there seem few Sakhalin Korean who run large-scale agricultural enterprises. According to the register of agricultural enterprises of the Sakhalin region, it is assumed that two agricultural enterprises assumed to be run by Sakhalin Koreans are included in the list of 27 ones.^[11]

 

<Table 3> Assumed agricultural enterprises run by Sakhalin Koreans in Sakhalin Region

Name of enterprises	CEO			Item	Location
Farm holding «Niva-Progress» (Нива-Прогресс)	Ли Чен Дя (Надежда Николаевна)		Cultivation of crops and vegetables		Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk
ООО «Апис»	Ян		Ensuring veterinary and sanitary requirements, support of small businesses, and citizens engaged in the cultivation of cattle		Smirnykhovsk
	Виктор Иванович				District

Source: http://apk-trade.admsakhalin.ru/index.php?id=85 (дата обращения 18.09.2015)

On the other hand, assumedly, there are considerable number of Sakhalin Korean farmers who registered their farms as primary source of income or run private farms as secondary source of income. According to the list of heads of main peasant (farm) holdings in Sakhalin region, there are dozens of Sakhalin Korean farmers running peasant farm holdings, most of whom gather in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk and Aniv district.

In Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, assumedly, there are 6 Sakhalin Korean farmers among 22 ones, in Anivsk district 7 Sakhalin Korean farmers among 23 ones. In Dolinsk district 1 Sakhalin Korean farmer. They may be main agents of Sakhalin Koreans’ agricultural activities in Sakhalin, and field studies are required to check the farmers’ current status and prospects.[12] In addition, there may be other Koreans who settle down in cities and cultivate little «dacha» (дача) or family gardens just for their own sake.

Most Sakhalin Korean farmers are assumed to raise vegetables and fruits. Thus, if South Korean, Japanese, Russian, and American agents establish a program of international compensation for their sustainable agricultural development, they have to identify their needs by the form of their agricultural activities and establish diverse tailored programs to meet their needs in the sustainable way.

Most of them seem to require for the value-seeking socio-economic projects for sustainable development of local communities. Small and middle enterprises (hereinafter, SMEs) based on local communities are now preferable. However, there may be Sakhalin Korean businessmen who would like to take part in the; capital-intensive and export-oriented projects based mainly on market systems.

I suggest the sustainable development of organic local food business in two directions The SMEs could be founded by individual farmers who raise vegetables for self-subsistence or local people, while only limited big agricultural organizations can launch the capital-intensive export-oriented organic food business targeting organic food markets in Russian Far East and Northeast Asia. Just, given the intensifying needs of healthy and delicious at reasonable price for local people and establishment of self-subsistent socio-economic system, the first type of local business is preferable. The success of local SMEs can lay the foundation of the profit-seeking projects of modernized organic food business. In combination of agricultural companies, the food processing and other organic bio-technological enterprises are to have synergy effects within the one-channel from production, marketing, logistics, etc.

In practice, Japanese government has entered agricultural, fishery, timber, and energy sector in Sakhalin. And Japanese greenhouse companies have invested in greenhouse projects in Khabarovsk Krai and Sakhalin Oblast with subsidies of Hokkaido Bank, which are characterized by contribution to local Russian inhabitants or social responsibility in advance. Such contribution activities could be linked to specific international cooperation for compensation to Sakhalin Koreans. Japanese organic local food projects by local SMEs, usually subsidized by municipal organizations, could be applied to Sakhalin villages for Sakhalin Koreans. Such international projects could be funded and proceeded by Korean, Japanese, Russian, and American governments to execute their due duties, which could be enlarged to international profit-seeking projects targeting organic food markets.

In the process, the nations are required to formulate compensatory fund for Sakhalin Koreans and subsidize the necessary projects of infra and agricultural facilities, including marketing and logistics. The projects in both types should be sustainable by improving Sakhalin Koreans’ capabilities for sustaining themselves with organic local food and other local products.

There may be more active channels to subsidize Sakhalin Koreans who will run farms for their own sake and as commodities in markets. In addition, there are regional agricultural programs of teaching people advanced and effective agricultural technologies and skills. One of them is the training program of a professional school gardener and citizens running secondary private farms in 2015 (Программа занятий профессиональной школы садоводов-огородников и граждан, ведущих личное подсобное хозяйство на 2015 год). Sakhalin Koreans who intend to take such agricultural courses could be subsidized by the fund, which is financed in the form of compensations of Japanese government and Korean government. Russian government, which is responsible for Sakhalin Koreans’ detention and persecution as non-citizens in the Soviet regime, can compensate with diverse institutional subsidies in political, socio-economic, cultural, educational dimensions. Similarly, Japanese and Korean agricultural organizations, subsidized by international compensation fund, can organize training programs for Sakhalin Korean farmers, where Russian, Korean and Japanese professionals could be main trainers and instructors.

As of promising agricultural products, now the Sakhalin regional government takes such measures:

• to build up more potato storage and processing facilities
• to develop greenhouse cultivation of vegetables and fruits, build up storage and processing facilities
• to develop pig and poultry breeding
• to develop dairy industries, increasing in production of milk, cheese, butter, sour milk, and others

In addition, I suggest that municipal organizations build up local food shop and organize networking of producers and consumers at local and regional levels. Local SMEs could play the role of agents who run local food shops, restaurants, factories, etc. with the subsidies of regional government and municipal organizations. And some franchise of organic local food could be founded. And Sakhalin Koreans’ enterprises could be subsidized by international compensation fund, which will guarantee the realization of regional governmental agricultural programs.

Principles for International Compensation to the remaining Sakhalin Koreans in Sakhalin through the sustainable agriculture development

All nations responsible for compensation for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings nations are required to formulate an international compensation project and fund for Sakhalin Koreans in order to ensure the realization of concrete plans. Relying on the fund, the international compensation project can subsidize Sakhalin Korean farmers in agricultural sector. And it is important to select and concentrate on more feasible agenda in the regional programs for sustainable agricultural development. Here, I emphasize the significance of organic local food business, cooperation of all agents, especially, tri-sector partnership of governmental, corporate and civic agents, and community building. That way, Sakhalin Korean farmers could contribute to implementing the Russian federal policies to develop the agricultural sector in the Russian Far East.

Local SMEs’ non-GM organic local food business relying on available resources

Community-based non-GM organic local food business may be promising, which will contribute to the development of rural villages and the establishment of self-subsistent socio-economic system. As mentioned above, many Sakhalin Koreans have been engaged in farming as SMEs enterprisers or private farmers. They can cooperate for community-based business of agricultural production, food production, food processing, food marketing and logistics, etc. They can mobilize all resources available to launch the small-scale non-GM organic local food shop, bakeries, restaurants, and food production and processing business. Such community-based business of non-GM organic local food development will contribute to sustainable development of rural villages and attraction of young generation to villages and agriculture in Sakhalin.

Sakhalin Korean enterprisers in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk could initiate the business with the subsidies from the international compensation fund, collecting diverse non-GM organic local food from other Korean farmers and Russian neighbors. The domestic business will constrain the prices to the reasonable level irrespective of food crisis, because it does not need the process of expensive and long-term process of certification for export to global markets. Just honesty and trust are necessary for cooperation. The strict control of quality and validity of products may be very crucial even at domestic markets. This case of non-GM organic local food business refined to consumers at domestic markets can be imitated in all countries, contributing to popularizing the non-GM organic local.

Actually, the Russian government also takes the measures to encourage local farmers to produce organic local food, and Russian agricultural institutes are oriented toward technological development and expansion of organic farming. The global trend of hailing non-GM organic local food as the most reliable food is being spread from the European part of Russia and Asian countries to the Russian Far East. Organic local food business targeting the domestic markets could contribute to the transformation of damaging diet into healthier one at reasonable prices.

Sakhalin Koreans’ domestic business could start up a kind of interregional franchise, expanding to other regions in Russia in the form of a franchise. It could be funded by the international compensation project and also subsidized by governmental and municipal organizations in each region. Non-GM organic local food cultivated at vegetable gardens at Russian-style cottage (дача) could be reliable sources for franchise in many Russian cities. Given the stabilization of domestic Non-GM organic local food business, it could be certificated to be exported to big cities in APEC countries.

The virtuous cycle will motivate young Sakhalin Koreans to be engaged in small quantity batch production and cooperate with other farmers in cooperatives or SMEs.

Benchmarking other nations’ good cases

The Russian government encourages young men to be engaged in agriculture and settle down in rural villages. In that respect, Japanese and Korean governments have taken the policies for longer time, accumulating more experiences and knowhow. The good cases in the countries could be benchmarked by Russian municipal organization and agricultural enterprises. Sakhalin Koreans could be subsidized by the compensation projects to be raised as young professionals in sustainable agricultural development.

Korean returnees to rural villages and agriculture are advised to take educational programs organized and subsidized by the central and regional governmental organizations. However, there is less local basis for non-GM organic local food. The organic business can be developed on the prerequisite of sufficient capital investment, special training, accumulation of experiences, and necessary certification for export. And the change of paradigms to more environmentally-friendly frame is desirable. And most organic local food may be GMO. In that respect, Korean organic local food business is not so promising in comparison with Russian case.

Instead, in Korea, returnees with solid value system have the tendency to initiate the organic local food projects, integrating the agricultural production of raw materials, logistics, food production and food processing, and marketing into one complex. However, the organic food industries in South Korea faces obstacles: high consumer prices, limited markets, competition, natural disasters, etc.

In South Korea, the ideal solution to high prices of organic local food is the cooperation of governmental and municipal, corporate, and civic stakeholders to raise more organic local food and sell them at reasonable prices at local food shops, restaurants, etc. The weaknesses can be tackled on community-based and value-seeking principles.

Such is the case with local food franchise. One municipal organization, Wanju-gun, Jeolla Northern Province, initiated the local food shops and restaurants, in addition to previous markets. The governmental stakeholders supplied the foundation of local food shops, restaurants, bakery, processing factories, marketing, logistics in tri-sector partnership to help poor rural villagers to sell their small amount batch products. Now the policy is prevalent all over the country, boosting a local food franchise oriented toward the development of scope economy.

Similarly, aging and poor Sakhalin Korean farmers can produce non-GM organic local food and supply it to local and regional consumers at reasonable prices. Then the production of small amount of organic local food will be more recommendable and profitable.

Principles of cooperation and environmentally-friendly activities

From the Christian viewpoint, the sustainable agricultural development can be achieved on the principle of cooperation with rural villagers, other returnees, and municipal organizations. The community-centric agenda need more cooperation of all agents. To reach the practical ways, the solid philosophy and value system putting into priority community building in the sustainable way and should be accepted and internalized in partners’ mindset.

Actually, many municipal organizations and agricultural centers insist on the importance of returnees’ community-oriented mindset, not profit-seeking one. These good institutions and knowhow in national agricultural policies could be applied to Sakhalin Korean farmers, who will be motivated to find more proper ways tailored to specific conditions in their cities and districts.

Sakhalin Korean farmers who stayed at or returned to rural villages could be taught solid worldviews and value system emphasizing the superiority of universal ideas and values to national or specific ideas. Those farmers with universal ideas can be more competent in initiating more appropriate projects tailored to local specific conditions.

Thus Sakhalin Korean farmers highly estimating cooperation and environmentally-friendly value system could also launch innovative projects for reduction of CO₂ emission and ecological preservation with the subsidy from the same fund, which will contribute to developing renewable energy resources for electricity and heating in self-subsistent way. Sakhalin Koreans within the framework of the compensation project could establish the self-subsistent socio-economic system and comprehensive risk management. Furthermore, they could contribute to integrating education, tourism, and religio-cultural programs, creating jobs for local people and more revenue, and transforming retarded and aging rural villages into vital communities.

The young generation of Sakhalin Koreans could be trained to become such next-generation leaders, professionals and coordinators for sustainable socio-economic development of rural villages. Then export-oriented non-GM organic local projects could be proceeded in sustainable and more profitable way.

The tri-sector partnership for sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin may activate the direct transection between farmers and customers in flexible ways of B2B, B2C, and C2B, which may lay the foundation of self-subsistent resources-recycling system. Furthermore, Sakhalin Korean farmers can organize a conclusive networking of producers, consumers, traders, policy-makers, researchers and other citizens who can cooperate the development of organic local food and other resource-recycling businesses.

Municipal administrations where Sakhalin Korean farmers stay and work can be subsidized by international compensation fund to realize their programs for all local people, especially Sakhalin Koreans. For example, the municipal organizations can help Sakhalin Korean farmers and families to open local food markets, including shops, cafeterias and restaurants, bakery, processing industry, and resources-recycling industry, and storing and logistics. Aging Koreans and neighbors could raise organic local vegetables and sell them to customers in raw and processed state at local shops in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk and municipal districts.

That way other Sakhalin inhabitants can also enjoy healthier food at reasonable prices. Finally, Sakhalin Koreans’ local knowledge about agriculture and Korean food recipes, their Korean-Russian life style and cultures could be more attractive and approachable to other national inhabitants. It will strengthen the communities.

Cooperation to produce the more desirable non-GM organic local food through international compensation project

Given the deepening cooperation for Sakhalin Korean farmers, agents involved in international compensatory projects could be facilitated to overcome diverse ideological, cultural, economic, political and historic boundaries, being integrated into one community. Then the international compensatory countries could initiate a new cooperation project for common non-GM organic local food development. If the international compensation projects could initiate the international non-GM organic local food business relying on merits and strengths in each nation, the project can produce more desirable products in quality and in profitability.

Influencing other companies and projects as benchmarking objects

Taking advantage of the international compensation project for development of non-GM organic local food for and by younger Sakhalin Koreans, South Korean agricultural enterprises entering the agricultural sector in Primorsk Krai could develop their strategies. One South Korean expert suggested an alternative for more productive and desirable agricultural business strategy in Primorye.

<Table 4> Present and Future of South Korean Agricultural SMEs’ Structure in Primorye

Past			Present
Focus on grain production			Cluster of grain production, livestock, dairies, renewable energy resources, resources recycle industry
grains production	beans, fodder		grains production	grains(beans, corns), fodder
Livestock	Milk		Livestock	dairies, pigs
processing	No		Processing	beans processing factory, cattle killing and processing factory
Transport	No		Transport	transport enterprise of grains and livestock
⇓	⇓		⇓	⇓
Sales at local markets			Sales at local markets + import to Korea

Source; Jin-Keun Sung, “Russian Far East Agricultural Investment Environment Report,” Korea Rural Community Corporation, 2012, p. 205.

Prof. Sung stated that it was not effective for Korean agricultural enterprises to enter agricultural markets in Primorye, covering the whole process of food production independently only for Koreans’ interest of food security. However, Korean agricultural enterprises could overcome many obstacles in Primorye more effectively through alternative farming contract business model and the agricultural service center business model. (Table 4) His suggestion that Korean stakeholders should establish joint projects with Russian partners or enter specific parts of the whole value chains is very insightful.

Given the experiences of international compensation with South Korean, Japanese, Russian, American, and, if possible, North Korean agents, Korean agricultural enterprises could develop their business strategies and localize projects in cooperation with local partners. They could benchmark good international projects for agricultural development in the Russian Far East. The international compensatory project to develop non-GM organic local food could show the example of localization in the Russian Far East.

In summary, Korean, Japanese, Russian governments can take their moral and legal duties for Sakhalin Koreans, leading them to be engaged in welfare-centric projects to develop organic local food and rural economies. Such small beginning of common compensation to Sakhalin Koreans could lead to proceeding profit-seeking and export-oriented projects with large-scale production of organic local products at more advanced technological facilities.

Conclusion: Synergy Effects of Sakhalin Koreans’ Sustainable Agricultural Development through International Compensation

Given the historic facts of Sakhalin Koreans’ extreme sufferings not just under the Japanese colonization, but also in the turmoil of Cold War and globalization regime, all nations responsible for their sufferings are required to cooperate for sufficient and future-oriented compensation.

First of all, Japanese society are to take the first moral and responsibility for Sakhalin Koreans’ restoration of human rights in Sakhalin and South Korea. South Korea should also compensate for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings after the World War II. To reach agreements to the agenda, it may be necessary to proceed historic and cultural programs to inform South Koreans of Sakhalin Koreans’ history and make agreements to the best ways to apologize them and restore their rights as compatriots, giving them the full rights of decision between their eternal repatriation to homeland or their stay in Russia.

However, given the possibilities that they could not repatriate totally for various reasons, I tried to suggest one concrete way of supporting them: the establishment of international compensation project and fund, with Japanese and South Korean societies as primary and secondary contributors and agents; and support of the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans’ sustainable agricultural development in Sakhalin. Given the fact that it is not clear if North Korea could take part in the cooperation, all national agents are required to establish basic principles, common rules and common agenda regularly. The Russian, American, and, if possible, North Korean societies should also take some responsibility in any forms. All national agents should make agreements to basic principles and concrete agenda for compensation. Here I suggested one project for sustainable agricultural development for and by the remaining younger Sakhalin Korean farmers in Sakhalin, which is the non-GM organic local food development relying on resources available at local level.

The probability of this suggestion cannot be large because of the real difficulties of repentance and atonement of each nation responsible for Sakhalin Koreans’ sufferings. Actually, apart from this international compensation fund, the Japanese government should return Sakhalin Korean laborers’ withdrawn salary to them and their descendants reflecting the inflation. Such necessary compensatory agenda by Japanese society should be set part from this international compensation project. Otherwise, the share of Japanese society in funding for international compensation project could be adjusted in accordance to its separate compensation. The ideal scenario could be realized in proportion to the degree of repentance and acceptance of its responsibility by each society, not just by Japanese society.

Just the project of non-GM organic local food relying on resources available at local level can be considered promising and profitable. It could be possible that this project would induce each nation’s compensatory measures. In addition, there are possibilities that we can be more conscious of conscience and reason, or universal value system emphasizing the equal human rights and dignity of all human beings.

Given such assumptions, I suggested the basic principles and concrete action plans for international compensation project and fund mainly for the remaining younger Sakhalin Koreans and their next generations, most of whom may stay in Sakhalin.

According to the project, Sakhalin Korean farmers could be subsidized for their projects for sustainable agricultural development, which could be divided into welfare-centric and market-centric projects. From my viewpoint, the former projects should be followed by the latter. The first ones are oriented toward community-building through cooperation and sustainable development of non-GM organic local food business at local level. They could improve the quality of life of farmers, who could lead to profit-seeking projects at regional and global levels. In the process, Sakhalin Korean farmers and young returnees to villages could be trained to be leaders and professionals, contributing to the development of whole agricultural sector in Sakhalin and in the Russian Far East.

The international compensation project by nations responsible for Sakhalin Koreans’ tragedy could initiate an international project of non-GM organic local food development based on their resources available to popularize healthier food at more reasonable prices. As a result, the Russian federal and regional agricultural programs could be realized more successfully. Furthermore, such initiatives for compensation to Sakhalin Koreans could lead to development of the future-oriented food industries and activation of compensatory activities for historic victims during the World War II.

Bibliographic list: 

1. Банг, Ил-квон. Исследования Сахалинских корейцев в Корее и России – Обзор истории исследований/ Ил-квон Банг // Трактаты истории Северо-Восточной Азии. – 2012. – № 38. – 363-411 с. (на корейском языке)
2. Джэ, Сонг-Гун и другие. Основные задачи в целях укрепления развития и сотрудничества на Дальнем востоке и в Сибири и направления / Сонг-Гун Джэ // Институт исследований междонародной экономики, 2013. – 227 с. (на корейском языке)
3. Дин, Ю. И. Корейская диаспора Сахалина и курильских отровов: Проблемы интеграции в советское и российское общество (1945-2000 гг.): диссертация– кандидата исторических наук: 07.00.02 / Ю. И. Дин; [Место защиты: Сахалинский государственный университет]. – Южно-Сахалинск, 2014. – 244 с.
4. Комитет историко-Мемориального проекта для Сахалинскийх корейцев [Электронный ресурс]. Режим доступа: http://sahallin.net/history/1.php (дата обращения 01.09.2015)
5. Онума, Ясуаки. Корейцы, оставленные на Сахалине / Ясуаки Онума // Сенг-Ге институт, 1993 – 219 с. (на корейском языке)
6. “Основные показатели социально-экономического развития регионов Дальнего Востока и Забайкалья за январь – декабрь 2014 года.” http://assoc.khv.gov.ru (Дата обращения 09.10. 2015)
7. Сборник МСХ РФ (Дата обращения 15.07.2015)
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9. http://www.insight.co.kr/article.php?ArtNo=30252 (дата обращения 24.09.2015)
10. http://sahallin.net/history/2.php (дата обращения 01.09.2015)

• http://apk-trade.admsakhalin.ru/index.php?id=61(дата обращения 18.09.2015)

12. http://www.oads.or.kr/webzine/KOAA_1404/html/spc1.jsp

[1] Онума, Ясуаки. Корейцы, оставленные на Сахалине / Ясуаки Онума // Сенг-Ге институт, 1993 – 219 с. (на корейском языке)

[2] Ю.И. Дин. Корейская диаспора Сахалина и курильских отровов: Проблемы интеграции в советское и российское общество (1945-2000 гг.): диссертация– кандидата исторических наук: 07.00.02 / Ю. И. Дин; [Место защиты: Сахалинский государственный университет]. – Южно-Сахалинск, 2014. – 244 с.

^[3] Сын-Ы Пак, Адаптация сахалинских корейцев к иным культурам / Сын-Ы Пак //

Журнал Сибирского и Дальневосточного исследований. – No.12, – 84-119 с.

[4] Ил-квон Банг. Исследования Сахалинских корейцев в Корее и России – Обзор истории исследований/ Ил-квон Банг // Трактаты истории Северо-Восточной Азии. – 2012. – № 38. – 363-411 с. (на корейском языке)

^[5] Там же С. 367–368

[6] Онума, Ясуаки. – С. 28-31

^[7] http://www.insight.co.kr/article.php?ArtNo=30252 (дата обращения 24.09.2015)

^[8] http://sahallin.net/history/2.php (дата обращения 01.09.2015)

^[9] Сонг-Гун Джэ и другие. Основные задачи в целях укрепления развития и сотрудничества на Дальнем востоке и в Сибири и направления / Сонг-Гун Джэ // Институт исследований международной экономики, 2013. – 64 с. (на корейском языке)

[10] http://apk-trade.admsakhalin.ru/index.php?id=61(дата обращения 18.09.2015)

[11] http://apk-trade.admsakhalin.ru/index.php?id=85 (дата обращения 18.09.2015)

[12]Source: http://apk-trade.admsakhalin.ru/index.php?id=85 (дата обращения 18.09.2015)